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LETTERS 

/ TO THE f / 





PEOPLE OP PEmTSTLTAKTIA, 

UPON THE SUBJECT 



«P THE 



Pa? jr^itfetf tf&X ISHrttf jpuu 



ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED W 



THE UNITED STATES GAZETTE. 



BY SIMON 1 SNYDER, 

A NATIVE OP PENNSYLVANIA. 



f *lf we suffer ourselves to be led captive by Military Glory, this Republic MJS&, 
inevitably share the same fate of all that preceded it" 

Lbttbr, No. XX. 



PHILADELPHIA: 
Printed for the United States Gazette Office. 

1887. 



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♦.• 



THE 

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. 



No. I. 



To the People oi "Pennsylvania. 

Fellow Citizens — The southern states have so long 
been accustomed to consider Pennsylvania as one of their 

m 

dependencies* that they now claim as a matter of right, 
that support which we had so long afforded them, from a 
spirit of conciliation, and from a tribute of respect to dis- 
tinguished merit. Our present happy Constitution went 
into operation in March, 1789. Between that period, and 
the election of our present Chief Magistrate, thirty-six 
years elapsed, during which time Virginia furnished the 
nation with Presidents for thirty two years. Twenty years 
of that same period, the office of Secretary of State (which 
is next in importance to that of President) was filled by 
Virginians. We do not mention these circumstances as 
matters of complaint or reproach; but only as historical 
facts, to show that Virginia is the last state in the Union, 
who ought to complain of privation of political power. 
It may not however be improper to observe, that at the 
period when Pennsylvania gave Virginia her support, the 
latter furnished the Nation with a Washington, a Jeffer- 
son, a Madison, a Monroe. Now the destinies of Virginia 
are confided to very different hands. 

We purpose in treating upon the question of the Presi- 
dential Election, amongst other matters, to endeavour to 
show, that the southern states have no particular claims 
to the support of Pennsylvania, more than to any other 
member of that Union, which we are all so deeply inter- 
ested in preserving inviolate — that Union, winch is the 
ark of our safety — the palladium of our independence. 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. II. 

The opposition of the southern states to all the great 
Bieasures which so deeply affect the interest and prosperi- 
ty of this Commonwealth, ought of itself to he a sufficient 
motive to induce us to withhold our support from their 
favorite candidate, who, if placed at the head of the Na- 
tion, would doubtless consider himself bound to give an 
undivided support to the policy of those, to whom he 
Would be principally indebted for his elevation. 

The southern states have uniformly opposed the great 
suhject of Internal Improvement — a measure of such vital 
importance to the interests of this state. They also deny 
the right of Congress to protect the domestic industry of 
the country — thus sacrificing the rights of our fellow citi- 
zens who have invested their all in manufacturing estab- 
lishments. Nor are they more favourably disposed to pro- 
tect our commerce. 

The distance of the capital of this Commonwealth from 
the Ocean, and ihe difficulty of navigating the Bay of 
the Delaware during the winter, renders a harbour at its 
entrance a measure of the highest importance to Pennsyl- 
vania; yet the southern delegation in Congress have uni- 
formly opposed any appropriation to carry into effect that 
great and important object. 

Influenced by considerations of justice and humanity, as 
well as sound policy, numbers of our distinguished fellow 
citizens, particularly in the southern states, formed them- 
selves into a Society, for the purpose of colonizing our 
free black population upon the coast of Africa. 

The views and objects of the Colonization Society, are 
of the highest importance to Pennsylvania. Otfr free black 
population is rapidly increasing, and becoming a burthen 
to the community, abundant evidence of the truth of 
which may be found in our Jails and Alms Houses. 

To carry into effect the benevolent intentions of this So- 
ciety, they applied to the National Legislature for pecuni- 
ary aid. But the greater part of the Southern delegation 
in Congress opposed the measure, as an unwarrantable in- 
terference with their rights, although the Constitution and 
Laws of the Society do not authorize it to extend its pro* 
tection to any other than to free blacks. 

These are some of the measures of importance to Penn- 
sylvania to which southern politicians are decidedly oppo- 
sed, and yet they call upon us to aid them in elevating their 
favourite candidate to the Presidential Chair, 



5 

In making these remarks we utterly disclaim all un- 
friendly feelings towards our* southern brethren, or of wish- 
ing to draw invidious distinctions. But our Union we con- 
sider as the rock of our political salvation; and to insure 
to it perpetuity, its benefits must be as equally distributed 
as its burthens. 

SIMON SNYDER, 



No. III. 

The science of governing men with wisdom, is the most 
important of all human science. Other sciences may refine 
the mind, reform the manners, and ameliorate the condi- 
tion of human life; hut, upon the correct and faithful ad- 
ministration of a free government, depends, not only the 
happiness and prosperity, but the very existence of a Na- 
tion. 

What then are the qualifications necessary for a Chief 
Magistrate of the United States. 

A capacious and highly cultivated mind — a sound judg- 
ment — a profound knowledge of, and reverence for the 
Constitution and Laws — spotless morals — inflexible inte- 
grity — ardent patriotism — industrious habits, and a deep 
knowledge of human nature. 

In all these important qualifications, our present Chief 
Magistrate stands pre eminent. But, what more particu- 
larly qualifies him for that high station, is, his intimate ac- 
quaintance with the policy of foreign governments towards 
us. 

The object of the Union of these States, was to protect 
them against foreign powers; and no individual in this 
Nation, has had the same advantages as Mr. Adams, of 
acquiring a thorough knowledge of the policy of foreign 
nations towards our country. 

It is well known to you all that Mr. Adams' father was 
appointed by the Congress of the Revolution, one of the 
commissioners to treat for peace with Groat Britain; and 
afterwards minister to Holland, To the latter country he 
took with him his eldest son, our present Chief Magis- 
trate, and placed him at the public school at Amsterdam. 

In 1781, Mr. Francis Dana, of Massachusetts, secreta- 
ry to the commission for treating of peace with Great 
Britain, was appointed, whilst in Holland, minister ol the 
United States to the Empress of Russia. Our present 
Chief Magistrate accompanied Mr. Dana to St. Peters- 



burg, iu the capacity of private secretary. After remain- 
ing a year in Russia, Mr. Adams returned to Holland, 
where lie resumed his studies. 

It will no doubt be gratifying to our German brethren 
to learn, that the Chief Magistrate of the United states 
is well acquainted with their language, having received so 
considerable a part of his education in Holland, which at 
that time was the land of freedom. 

General Washington early discovered Mr. Adams' dis~ 
tinguished talents, and in the year 1794, appointed him 
minister to Holland. 

Since that period, Mr. Adams has repeatedly represent- 
ed our country in the old world; thus enjoying an opportu- 
nity to discover the policy of European courts towards us; 
which ably qualifies him to defeat their machinations 
against our liberties. 

Nothing reflects more credit upon a Nation, than by 
placing at its head, men as distinguished for virtue as for 
wisdom. Mr. Adams, to use his own language, considers, 
that "Virtue is the vital air of the moral world." 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. IV. 

If the immortal founder of this Commonwealth, could 
put on the garment of mortality, and descend from the 
mansions of bliss to visit this fair vineyard, planted by 
his own hand, what would be his surprize and gratulation 
to witness its unexampled increase in wealth and popula- 
tion — in commerce, agriculture, and manufactures, as well 
as in the arts and sciences. 

But what would also be his surprise when he learned of 
the total change which has taken place in the sentiments 
of the people, with respect to the qualifications necessary 
for the administration of civil government. 

How painful would it be for him to find his political 
precepts so totally disregarded. With what regret would 
he learn that military services alone, are now considered 
a sufficient passport to the highest civil office. If not 
discouraged by the neglect of his former councel, that il- 
lustrious Lawgiver might probably thus address us : 

'* Inhabitants of this happy Commonwealth ! — To avoid 
" religious persecution, I accompanied your ancestors to 
**■ this New World, where we erected the standard of 
" freedom, and established a government founded upon the 



(t , eternal principles of justice and the unalienable rights of 
" man. 

" Subsequent events rendered it necessary for you to 
" make many important modifications in that frame of 
" government ; but considering the political changes which 
"you have undergone, and your altered population, I re- 
" gard your present Constitution, as the perfection of hu- 
" man wisdom. I observe with regret, a disposition 
" amongst you, to undervalue the qualifications necessary 
" for the administration of civil government. This is an 
" old error. 

" Socrates says, that none of his countrymen would cm- 
"bark in the lowest mechanical profession, without having 
"served a regular apprenticeship to it; yet he says, that 
" every man thought himself qualified for the most diffi- 
" cult of ail trades, that of governing men. I very much 
" fear that you have fallen into the same error. Beware, 
" lest it prove fatal. 

«« History is philosophy, teaching men wisdom by ex- 
" ample. Consult her faithful pages, and you will there 
" learn, that a Camp is not the most suitable place to stu- 
" d the science of government, nor to imbibe a proper 
" veneration for your Constitution and laws." 

However imperfect this language, these would doubtless 
be the sentiments of the illustrious founder of this Com- 
monwealth. 

in making these observations, we are far from wishing 
to detract in the smallest degree from the well earned fame 
of General Jackson. 

He is a hero entitled to the gratitude of the nation ; but 
we deny that military services alone, can give any man a 
claim to the office of Chief Magistrate of this Union. It 
is no disparagement to any individual to say that he is not 
eminent in every profession or science. 

If General Washington were living, and any man wero 
to tell him, that he was better qualified for the office of 
Chief Justice of the United States than Judge Marshall, 
we doubt not but that immortal patriot would consider 
himself insulted by such an observation. 

No body supposes that our present Chief Magistrate is 
qualified to take the command of any army. Such a talent 
is not necessary for the discharge of his public duty. » he 
Constitution, it is true, makes the President Commander- 
in-Chief; but the framers of that immortal instrument 
never contemplated that he was to take the command of 
the army in person. 



8 

How could the President, amidst the bustle of a camp, 
attend to the multifarious duties of Civil administration, 
and obey the Constitutional injunction " to take care that 
the laws be faithfully executed ?" 

The supreme military command must be lodged some* 
where; and the Constitution has wisely confided it to him, 
who is charged with the faithful execution of the laws. 

SIMON SNYDER* 



No. V. 

The election of our present Chief Magistrate by the 
House of Representatives of the United States, in strict 
conformity with the provisions of the Constitution, has 
given rise to mucli misrepresentation, and propositions 
have been made to deprive the House of this Constitutional 
power. 

It is worthy of remark that Virginia and Georgia, who 
are the most clamorous at the election of Mr. Adams, and 
who exclaim loudest for the rights of the people, should 
have voted for Mr. Crawford, who did not receive but lit- 
tle more than half the suffrages given by the people to our 
present Chief Magistrate. 

And here it may not be improper to observe, that Virgi- 
nia, Georgia, North Carolina and Delaware, by voting for 
the candidate the lowest upon the return, have, in their 
capacities of Sovereign States, solemnly recognized anew, 
the undoubted Constitutional right of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, to choose either of the three candidates return- 
ed to it. 

It has, however, been contended, that whenever the choice 
of a President devolves upon the House of Representatives, 
that it is bound to choose the candidate having the highest 
number of Electorial Votes. 

Such a construction of the Constitution, would render 
the arbitration of the House a mere mockery. 

Let us examine a little into the true state of this great 
National question. 

A President of the United States is to be chosen. — The 
people repair to the ballot boxes, and choose Electors, who 
afterwards vote for a President. Upon counting the votes 
in Congress, no candidate has a majority of the whole num- 
ber of votes. 

The framers of the Constitution foresaw this difficulty, 
and wisely provided a remedy. And what is the remedy? 



The same remedy to which individuals resort, who have 
difficulties to adjust in the ordinary concerns of human life 
-—to arbitration. And who has the Constitution appointed 
arbitrators, in this great National concern ? 

The immediate representatives of the people, to whom, 
(in conjunction with the Senate) the same Constitution has 
confided the power of making war, levying taxes, and dis- 
posing of the whole public revenue. 

And yet we are told that men, to whom these high pow- 
ers are delegated, are unworthy to be trusted in a question 
of minor importance. 

Yes, of minor importance, for we consider that the power 
over the public sword and the public purse, a greater pow- 
er, than that of choosing a President out of three candidates 
returned by the people to the House of Representatives. 

If in case of a failure to elect a President by the people, 
the Constitution had authorized the House of Representa- 
tives, to choose the Chief Magistrate out of the Nation at 
large, then indeed would the House have been invested with 
a formidable power. But when the Nation selects three 
distinguished individuals for the office of President out of 
twelve millions of people, and sends them to the House of 
Representatives, backed by this evidence of public confi- 
dence, and merely asks the House, as arbitrators, to choose 
the i hief Magistrate out of these three candidates. — We say, 
if the House cannot be trusted with such a power as this, 
the defect is not in the Constitution of the United States, 
but in the Constitution of Human Nature. 

We however think, that the House of Representatives 
may be safely trusted with this power, and our confidence 
in that opinion is strengthened, by the wisdom shown in the 
last exercise of it. 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. VI. 

The office of President of the United States, is a civil 
office, requiring the highest civil qualifications, to execute 
its important duties with fidelity. The Military power 
with which the Constitution clothes this office, is a super- 
vising power — a power to be exercised by delegation. 

We are however told, that military talents are necessa- 
ry to discharge the duties of Chief Magistrate ; and as a 
proof of it, we are reminded that the first President of the 
United States, chosen after the adoption of the Constitution. 

B 



16 

was a military man. Yes, Washington was a military 
man ; but he was an exception to all other men. Amidst 
the din of arms, he never lost sight of his duties as 
a citizen. Throughout the vicissitudes of an eventful 
Revolution — in the day of peril, and in the day of 
glory — in Council, and in the tented field, Washington in- 
variably acknowledged the supremacy of the civil authori- 
ty, and uniformly evinced a sacred regard for the majesty 
of the Laws. 

Washington was chosen by his native State, a member 
of the Convention which framed the Constitution of the 
United States, of which body he was unanimously elected 
President. In that august Assembly, principally composed 
of Nature's Nobility ; the great principles of civil govern- 
ment were faithfully and solemnly expounded. No man 
could have been a member of that Convention, and retired 
from it, without having fully understood, both by the letter 
and the spirit of the Constitution, that tiie military was a 
subordinate power — that the government created, was a 
government of laws. With a perfect knowledge, therefore, 
of the principles upon which the Constitution was framed, 
Washington was chosen to fill the highest trust under it. 
With what fidelity he executed that high trust is known to 
you all. 

Whenever another military candidate is offered for the 
Presidency, with equal claims for public service — equally 
versed in the science of government, and who can furnish 
equal testimonials of his reverence for the sanctity of the 
laws, he will have a high claim to the first civil honor* 
within the pale of the Constitution. 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. VII. 

No event that has occurred since the adoption of our 
present happy Constitution has given rise to so much mis- 
representation, as the appointment of Mr. Clay to the 
office of Secretary of State. 

Corruption, barter, bargain and sale of office, have been 
spoken of, with just as much apparent confidence, as if the 
parties making the charge believed it themselves. 

To the Secretary of State is confided the important trust 
of conducting our intercourse with Foreign Nations. A 
trust, the violation of which, might compromise the peace 
of the Country. 

The duties of most other offices, under our government, 



11 

are in a great measure defined by law ; but the duties of 
the Secretary of State, are in many respects discretionary; 
generally of high responsibility, and are often materially 
increased or diminished by the policy or caprice of Foreign 

Nations, 

Responsible as the President of the United States is to 
the Nation, that the Secretary of State shall discharge 
with fidelity the high trust confided to him, is it reasonable 
to suppose that he would have conferred that office upon 
one who, it is alleged, had made to him a corrupt overture? 

What security could lie have for that man's virtue, who 
had once passed the moral Rubicon ? 

This charge therefore of corruption, carries with it upon 
its face, its own refutation. 

Mr. Clay had been for twelve sessions of Congress, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives, and had taken an 
activo part in all important measures which came before 
that Body. 

When Great Britain invaded our rights by impressing 
our seamen and interdicting our Commerce with all other 
nations but herself, Mr. Clay took a prominent part in re- 
sisting that usurpation. When all friendly efforts to obtain 
redress failed, he boldly and zealously advocated an appeal 
from reason to force. 

He had assisted in negociating a treaty of peace with 
Great Britain, as soon as she returned to a sense of justice. 
He had uniformly advocated the great question of internal 
improvement, and the protection of the domestic industry 
of the country. 

He had received the entire votes of three States, and a 
part of the vote of a fourth, for the Presidency. These, 
fellow citizens, were doubtless some of the motives which 
induced our Chief Magistrate to appoint Mr. Clay to the 
important office of Secretary of State. 

It is therefore obvious, that he owes his elevation to his 
distinguished public services — to the vigor of bis own intel- 
lect, and to the commanding power of his own native genius. 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. VIII. 

We hear a constant clamour from certain quarters about 
Strife Rights. 

Believing as we do, that these alleged grievances, arc 
mere pretexts, made use of by designing politicians, to pre.- 



X2 

judice the people of this Union against their rulers, with 
the view of supplanting them in power; we shall endeavour 
to show how r unfounded are these pretensions, and how dan- 
gerous are their consequences. 

When individuals unite in society and form a civil com- 
pact, they surrender a part of their rights, in order to have 
the remainder better guaranteed. 

Just so with sovereign States, who confederate together 
for mutual protection. They surrender a portion of their 
sovereignties, to guard he rest against a common danger. 

When Great Britain asserted her right to tax these 
States without allowing them a representation in Parlia- 
ment, and afterwards proceeded to execute that claim by 
force of arms, the Colonies united for the purpose of resist- 
ing that unlawful demand. That Union at its commence- 
ment w as very feeble. Those who had but few rights them- 
selves, had but little to delegate. 

When, however, Independence was declared, a new era 
commenced in our history. It then behoved the States to 
have clothed Congress with ample power to have called 
forth the resources of the country. 

If they had adopted that course, it is confidently believed 
that the enemy would have been expelled, and the revolu- 
tion terminated at least two years sooner. But even at 
that early period of our history, the States reluctantly par- 
ted with any portion of their power, and this tenacious re- 
gard for State sovereignty, came nigh prostrating the 
whole Union at the feet of the common enemy. 

General Washington, in a confidential letter* to a mem- 
ber of Congress, early in the year 1780, says : — "Certain 
am 1, that unless Congress speaks in a more decisive tone: 
unless they are vested with powers by the several States, 
competent to the great purposes of the war, or assume them 
as a matter of right ; and they and the States respectively, 
act with more energy than they have hitherto done, that 
our cause is lost, 

" One State will comply with a requisition from Con- 
gress ; another neglects to do it; and a third executes it by 
halves, and all differ in the manner or the matter, or so 
much in point of time, that we are always working up 
hill. 

66 This, my dear sir, is plain language to a member of 
Congress, but it is the language of truth and friendship. 
It is the result of long thinking, close application and 

*Vide Marshall's Life of Washington. 



13 

strict observation. I see one head gradually changing into 
thirteen. I see one army branching into thirteen, and in- 
stead of looking up to Congress as the supreme controlling 
power of the United States, consider themselves as depen- 
dant upon their respective States." 

Here is a picture drawn by a master ; and this, fellow 
citizens, is the condition to which our present advocates 
for what is called State Rights would reduce us, by their 
construction of the Constitution of the United States— a 
construction which would render our bond of union a mere 
rope of sand — a construction, which would eventually de- 
grade the general governmentto the condition of mere com- 
missioners of the State sovereignties. 

We shall renew the consideration of this important sub- 
ject, which is of deep interest to every American who justly 
prize the inestimable blessings of our happy Constitution. 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. IX. 

We are told by the advocates for State Rights, that 
unless we resist the encroachments of the general govern, 
ment, that the State sovereignties uill be merged into 
one consolidated bod v. We should treat this as a mere 
phantom of the imagination, if we did not know that it was 
a finesse, resorted to by artful politicians, to promote their 
own ambitious views. 

The consequences, however, which may result from the 
promulgation of such doctrines, are sufficient to alarm every 
friend of the Constitution. 

Resolutions were recently passed by the Legislature of 
Virginia, denying the right of the general government to 
make internal improvements, or to lay any duty upon fo- 
reign merchandize, for the purpose of protecting the nation- 
al industry of the country. At the 'same time when these 
resolutions passed, the following resolution was offered : 

" Resolved, — That the Legislature of Virginia will 
sustain the general government in the exercise of its legiti- 
mate powers." 

This resolution passed, Yeas, twelve — Nays, ten. 

Yes, fellow citizens, ten Senators of the Legislature of 
Virginia, during a time of profound peace and tranquility, 



14 

voted that they would not support the general government 
in the exercise of its constitutional authority ! ! 

When we recollect that several others of the Southern 
States, have passed resolutions denying the right of the ge- 
neral government to exercise powers evidently delegated 
by the Constitution. When we reflect upon the conduct 
of the Executive government of Georgia, in resisting the 
execution of a treaty with the Creek Indians — a treaty 
which had been constitutionally ratified by the President, 
and two-thirds of the Senate of the United States, and had 
thereby become the supreme law of the land. A treaty, by 
which the honor and good faith of this nation, were solemn- 
ly pledged to these children of the Forrest, that they should 
be protected in the enjoyment of their lawful rights. When 
we reflect upon these circumstances, we cannot but consi- 
der that the Constitution is in danger. Not from the gene- 
ral government, but from the unfounded pretensions of State 
authorities. 

What sort of a national government, these advocates for 
State Rights desire, we are not aware : but as they wish 
the States to retain all the rights of sovereignty, the gene- 
ral improvement could be but a shadow, like our confedera- 
tion, wholly inefficient, both in war and peace. 

The utter incompetency of such a government, is well 
described in a letter* from General Washington to a friend, 
dated October, 1785, in which he says : — " The war, as 
you have very justly observed, has terminated most ad- 
vantageously for America, and a fair field is presented to 
our view ; but I confess to you freely, my dear sir, that I 
do not think that we possess wisdom or justice enough to 
cultivate it properly. 

" Iliiberality, jealousy and local policy, mix too much in 
all our public councils, for the good government of the 
Union. In a word, the Confederacy appears to me to be 
little more than a shadow, without the substance; and the 
Congress, a nugatory body, their ordinances being little at- 
tended to. 

" To me it is a solecism in politics,****Indeed one of 
the most extraordinary things in nature, that we should 
confederate as a Nation, and yet be afraid to give to the ru- 
lers of that nation, who are the creatures of our own mak- 
ing, and appointed for a limited and short duration, suffi- 
cient power to order and direct the affairs of the same. 

*Vide Marshall's Life of Washington. 



IS 

" From the high ground upon which we stood, we art 
descending into the vale of confusion and darkness." 

Such, fellow citizens, was the deplorable condition of our 
country as described by Washington himself, and from 
which we were rescued by adopting our present happy con- 
stitution. And shall we now contribute to elevate those 
into power, who avow their hostility to it ? 

JNo, fellow citizens, we are now convinced that you will 
not ; but that you will give your support to those who re- 
verence that Constitution, and who now administer it with 
so much credit to themselves and honor to our country. 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. X. 

The State sovereignties may be quite competent for the 
administration of justice between their own inhabitants, 
and for the preservation of internal tranquility; but all 
history must be lost upon us, before we can believe that a 
cluster of Republics like these United States, would long; 
survive a dissolution of their Union. The strong would 
soon oppress the weak, and by dissentions amongst them- 
selves, they would all become a prey to foreign powers. 

However we may boast of State Rights, or complain of 
State wrongs, we have no safety, but in Union : and unless 
our national government is supported in the exercise of the 
authority with which the Constitution clothes it, that Union 
cannot be preserved. 

Nearly all great events have arisen from small causes, 
and unless we show our indignation at these repeated at- 
tacks upon our Constitution, it will soon be regarded, not 
as a tender parent watching over our rights and shielding 
us from danger ; but as a jealous step-mother, desirous of 
enlarging her own authority, and regardless of the welfare 
of those committed to her care. 

To all those who believe that this Union could be long 
maintained, if the General government were divested of the 
power now claimed by some of the States, we would recom 
mend a serious perusal of that part of our history between 
the treaty of peace with Great Britain, and the adoption 
of our present Constitution. 

General Washington, in reply to a letter* of a friend^ 

*Vide Marshall's Life of Washington. 



16 

dated 1786, says, ** Your sentiments that our affairs are 
drawing to a crisis, accord v\ith my own.*** We have pro- 
bably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming 
our Confederation. Experience has taught us that men 
will not adopt and carry into execution, measures the best 
calculated for their own good, without the intervention of 
coercive power. I do not consider that we can long exist 
as a nation, without lodging somewhere a power which 
will pervade the whole Union, in as energetic a manner as 
the authority of the State governments extends over the se- 
veral States. 

"To be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that 
body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, ap- 
pears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and mad- 
ness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the 
people, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater 
proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected 
With those of their constituents? By the rotation of ap- 
pointment, must they not mingle with the mass of citizens? 
***We must take human nature as we find it ; perfection 
falls not to the share of mortals. ***Requisitions are a per- 
fect nulity, where thirteen sovereign, independent and dis- 
united States, are in the habit of discussing, and refusing 
or complying with them at their option. 

"If you tell the Legislatures that they have violated the 
treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the Con- 
federacy, they will laugh in your face. It is much to be 
feared that the better kind of people, being disgusted with 
these circumstances, will have their minds prepared to any 
revolution whatever. 

" What astonishing changes a few years are capable of 
producing ! I am told that even respectable characters 
speak of a monarchial form of government without horror. 
From thinking proceeds speaking, and thence to acting, is 
often but a single step.****What a triumph for our enemies 
to verify their predictions !" 

Such, fellow-citizens, was the language, and such the 
sentiments of Washington, upon the alarming situation of 
public affairs, in the year 1786. A crisis, which was in a 
great measure occasioned by the feebleness of the general 
government produced by State jealousy. And yet our pre- 
sent advocates for State Eights, are desirous of restoring to 
the States, the same power which they enjoyed under the 
Confederation ! ! 

We shall conclude this address in the same language 
which Washington uses in the letter from which we have 



17 

made these extracts : " Would to God, that wise measures 
may be taken in time, to avert the consequences which we 
have too much reason to apprehend." 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. XI. 

The opponents of the present administration deny the 
constitutional power of Congress, to pass any law, impo- 
sing duties, for the purpose of protecting the national in- 
dustry of the country. 

We do not know any better mode of understanding the 
Constitution, than by an examination of the opinions and 
practice of those who framed it. 

Immediately after the organization of the first Congress, 
which assembled by virtue of our present Constitution, a 
law was enacted, levying duties upon all merchandize im- 
ported into the United States. The following is the pre- 
amble to that act of Congress: 

"Whereas, it is necessary for the support of govern- 
ment, and for the discharge of the debts of the United 
States, and the encouragement and protection of manufac- 
tures, that duties be laid on goods, wares and merchan* 
dize imported." 

Mr. Madison, who is justly called the Father of our 
Constitution, was a member of the House of Representa- 
tives when this law was under discussion; and in the 
course of his remarks upon this bill he observed : — " That 
the States which are most advanced in population and ripe 
for manufactures, ought to have their particular interests 
attended to.-— Whilst these states retained the power of 
making regulations of trade, they had the power to protect 
and cherish such institutions. By adopting the present 
Constitution, they have thrown the exercise of this power 
into other hands. They must have done this with an expec- 
tation, that their interest would not be neglected here," 

Mr, Fitzsimons, who was also a member of the Con- 
vention which framed the Constitution, was a member of 
Congress at the time that law passed. When this bill was 
under discussion, he moved an amendment to it, for the 
purpose of enlarging the catalogue of articles to be sub- 
ject to duty. In offering this amendment, Mr. Fitzsi- 
mons observed, "that amongst the articles which he wished 
to subjoin to the list reported by the committee, were some 

C 



18 

calculated to encourage the productions of the country and 
to protect our infant manufactures." 

In addition to this testimony in support of the authority 
of Congress to protect our national industry, it may not he 
improper to observe, that there were a number of other 
members of the national legislature, when this first Reve- 
nue Bill passed, who were members of the Convention, and 
who certainly ought to have understood the Constitution, 
as well as our modern advocates for State Rights, many of 
whom were not then born. 

General Washington was also a member of the Conven- 
tion and President thereof; and in his capacity of Presi- 
dent of the United States, had a right to put his negative 
upon that bill, if it had sanctioned principles, inconsistent 
with his view of the Constitution. That he had the firmness 
to exercise that right, when necessary, we have abundant, 
proof in his rejection of "the bill for the aportionment of 
Representatives." After this conclusive testimony in fa- 
vour of the right of Congress to impose duties for the pro- 
tection of domestic manufactures, we can but consider 
any opposition to this constitutional power merely calcula- 
ted for electioneering purposes. 

But although Congress possesses the right to protect the 
national industry of the country, by imposing duties favour- 
able to domestic manufactures, yet it is a power which they 
are bound to exercise with great prudence and discretion": 
always bearing in mind that there are other branches of 
national industry, equally entitled to national protections 
and equally under the safeguard of the laws. 

SIMON SNYDER, 



No. XII. 

The rapid increase of our black population affords cause 
of alarm to all who justly prize our domestic peace, and 
the stability of our institutions. The ingenuity of man 
Lad long been taxed to devise some scheme in relation to 
this subject, by which public tranquility might be guard- 
ed, without invading the right of private property, or in- 
fringing the laws of humanity. 

Of all the measures yet suggested to accomplish this 
great National work, the plan adopted by the American 
Colonization Society, appears to be the most politic and 
practicable. 

It has in fact actually succeeded 5 and a Colony now ex- 



19 

ists on the shores of Africa, planted by this Society, con- 
sisting of upwards of five hundred souls, who according to 
the most authentic intelligence, from that quarter, enjoy a 
high degree of prosperity. 

Judge Washington is President of this Society; and Mr. 
Clay and Mr. Crawford are amongst its Vice Presidents, 
as well as many other distinguished citizens of the south- 
ern states. If the General Government would extend its 
fostering hand to this Society, there could be no doubt of 
its eventual success. 

Every application, however, which has been made to 
Congress to promote this great National object — an object 
so dear to Pennsylvania, has been resisted by the opposition 
to the present administration. 

At the annual meeting of the Colonization Society, held 
at Washington, in January last, Mr. Clay addressed that 
body, in support of a resolution offered by himself, empow- 
ering and directing the Board of Managers, to make re- 
spectful applications, both to Congress and to the State 
Legislatures, for pecuniary aid in the furtherance of the 
views of the Society. 

After stating the actual condition and future prospects of 
the Society, Mr. Clay observed: — 

"There is a moral fitness in the idea of returning to 
Africa, her children, whose ancestors have been torn from 
her by the ruthless hand of fraud and violence. Trans- 
planted in a foreign land, they will carry back to their 
native soil, the rich fruits of religion, civilization, law 
and libertv. 

"May it not be one of the great designs of the Ruler of 
the Universe, thus to transform an original crime, into a 
signal blessing, to that most unfortunate people of the 
Globe. ****** 

" Every emigrant to Africa, is a missionary, carrying 

with him credentials in the holv cause of civilization, re- 

ligion and free institutions. We are reproached with doing 

mischief by the agitation of this question. This society 

goes into no household to disturb its domestic tranquility. 

It addresses itself to no slave, to weaken their obligations 

of obedience. It seeks to affect no man's property. 
******* 

** Composed of freemen, it concerns itself only with the 
free. For collateral consequences, we are not responsi- 
ble.****^ 7 !^ would they, who reproach us have done? 
If they would repress all the tendencies towards Liberty, 
tiiey must do more than put down the benevolent efforts oi 



:28 

this society. They must go back to the era of our liberty 
and independence, and muzzle the cannon which thunders 
its annual joyous return. ***They must arrest the career of 
South American deliverance from thraldom. They must 
blow out the moral lights around us, which America pre- 
sents to a benighted world, pointing the way to their rights, 
their liberty and their happiness. 

"And when they have achieved all their purposes, their 
work will be yet incomplete. They must penetrate the hu- 
man soul, and eradicate the light of reason and the- love of 
liberty. Then, and not till then, when universal darkness 
and despair prevail, can you perpetuate slavery. * * * * 

"Animated by the encouragement of the past, let us pro- 
ceed under the cheering prospects which lie before us. Let 
us continue to appeal to the pious, the liberal and the wise. 
Let us bear in mind the condition of our forefathers, when 
collected upon the beacli of England, they embarked, 
amidst the scoffings and the false predictions of the assem- 
bled multitude, for this distant land; and here, in spite of 
all the perils of forest and of ocean which they encountered, 
successfully laid the foundation of this glorious Republic." 

These, fellow citizens, are a few extracts from the con- 
cluding part of Mr Clay's eloquent address, delivered be- 
fore the American Colonization Society at its last meeting. 
An address, which points out the true remedy for the evils 
of which it treats, and which bears evident marks of a 
sound judgment, and an enlightened forecast. 

SIMON SNYDER, 



No. XIII. 

One of the heaviest charges brought against our present 
Chief Magistrate, is, that he has expressed his opinion, 
that the Constitution of the United States has vested in 
Congress, the power to improve the condition of our coun- 
try, by means of constructing Roads and Canals, 

This, his opponents declare to be an alarming power— -a 
power which they say will eventually prostrate the sove- 
reignity of the States. 

It is true, that the Constitution of the United States, con- 
tains no express grant of this power; but it is evidently an 
incidental power, growing out! of other powers expressly 
delegated. 

It is a matter of no small surprise, that any anxiety 

*ould be felt upon the subject of this power, when we re- 






A* k 

fleet with how much more formidable powers the Constitu- 
tion actually clothes Congress. 

What would he thought of an individual, possessed of a 
large estate, who would confide to another his sword and 
his purse — his honor and his fame; and also give to him au- 
thority to borrow whatever money he pleased, pledging his 
estate for the payment of it; and yet at the same time de- 
clare, that he had not sufficient confidence in that individual 
to trust him with his walking cane? 

Such conduct, on the part of an individual, would be 
considered as capping the climax of folly and absurdity. 
And yet it would not be more preposterous than the con- 
duct of those States, who are afraid to confide to Congress 
the power of improving the internal condition of the coun- 
try, after having delegated to that body, other trusts of so 
much greater magnitude. 

By accepting the Constitution of the United States, 
these States have given to Congress the power : — To levy 
War— to raise Armies— to build a Navy — to lay and col- 
lect internal taxes — to impose duties upon foreign merchan- 
dize, and to dispose of the whole public revenue at their 
pleasure— -To borrow money on the credit of the United 
States; pledging the public faith and the public revenue, 
for the reimbursement of it — and yet after delegating to 
Congress these important trusts, and many others, they are 
afraid to confide to this same Congress, the high power — to 

MAKE A ROAD — TO BUILD A BRIDGE, OR TO DIG A DITCH ! 

Man is said to be a rational being, yet we have abundant 
proof, that he does not always act like one. 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. XIV. 

For upwards of three hundred years, the inhabitants of 
our Southern hemisphere, had groaned under a yoke of 
worse than Egyptian bondage — a slavery of the mind. 
What scenes of horror and devastation has the faithful his- 
torian recorded, of events which have occurred in South 
America! Again and again, has the soil of that delightful 
portion of the globe, been crimsoned with the blood, and 
whitened with the bones of its inhabitants, to gratify Span- 
ish cupidity. 

At length an indignant people burst assunder the chains 
«f a foreign despotism, and assumed to themselves a rank 



/ 



amongst the nations of the earth. When they had reached 
the threshold of freedom, our government sent Ambassadors 
of friendship, to greet them at the portals of Liberty, and 
welcome them into the great family of Nations, Scarcely, 
however, had they assumed the duties of Sovereignty, 
before their former oppressor, uniting with an ww-holy 
league, plotted their overthrow. 

Whenever tyrants combine, freemen should unite. Act- 
ing upon this principle, these States resolved to assemble in 
General Congress, to consult upon measures for their com- 
mon defence ; to which Congress, they respectfully invited 
our government to send Representatives. 

As the projected crusade of the Holy Alliance, would 
have been a war of opinion — the divine right of Kings, 
against the divine right of self government, it is a matter 
of surprise, that these infant Republics should have asked 
the aid of our advice and our counsel ? Other considera- 
tions, however, made it our interest to be represented at 
that Congress. 

The United States are now the second Commercial nation 
in the world. 

Our Commerce with South America, is daily becoming 
more extensive. It was therefore of high importance to 
make an early impression upon these States, of the value 
of a liberal commercial connection with this country, and 
the ruinous consequences of granting exclusive privileges 
in trade to any nation. 

it was also of great importance to us to form a conven- 
tional stipulation with the new States, defining such part 
of the law of nations, as relates to blockade and contra- 
hand of war, as these subjects have been a JKutgjflill ' U^ source 
of strife between us, and the European powers. 

Influenced by these considerations, the President prompt- 
ly accepted the invitation, to send Representatives to the 
Congress of Panama. But when he called upon the Senate 
to confirm their appointments, and upon the House of Rep- 
resentatives to make the necessary appropriations, what 
was the conduct of the present opposition? 

Gladly would we blot the remembrance of it from our 
history. 

They not only denied the policy of the measure, but the 
constitutional right of the President, to create such a mis- 
sion, without consulting the Senate? 

Did not Mr. Jefferson purchase Louisiana without con- 
suiting the Senate? Yes, Louisiana, " a Territory larger 
than the Roman Empire, in the zenith of its glory." And 
what was the opinion j>f Congress and the people of the 



23 

United States, of the conduct of Mr. Jefferson upon that 
occasion ? They not only placed the seal of their approba- 
tion upon that measure ; but considered that it was alone 
sufficient to give immortality to his name. 

The Constitutional authority of the Senate, in relation 
to a mission or a Treaty, is confined to a simple Yea or 
Nay. Such, Mr. Madison told the Senate in 1813, "was 
his view of the Constitution, as well as the established 
practice under it." 

We have, however, abundant proof, that the opposition 
did not proceed from Constitutional objections. Let one 
fact suffice. Mr. Seaton,* one of the Editors of the Na- 
tional Intelligencer, declares that one of the opposition 
Senators observed in his presence, on being rallied on the 
triumph of the Administration party, on tbe Panama Mis- 
sion, — -"Yes, they have beaten us by a few votes, after a 
hard battle ; but if they had only taken the other side, and 
refused the Mission, we would have had them." 

Thus, fellow citizens, was an important public measure- 
obstructed for nearly two months, at an enormous public 
expence ; and all other public business in a great measure 
suspended, merely that the opposition might endeavor to 
supplant those in power. 

Comment upon such a proceeding is unnecessarv, 

SIMON SNYDER, 



No. XV. 

The friends of General Jackson contend, that because 
he had the highest number of electoral votes, that the 
House of Representatives was bound from that circum- 
stance, and from that alone, to have chosen him President. 

Without discussing the absurdity of submitting a ques- 
tion to arbitration, and at the same time depriving the ar- 
bitrators of all free agency, we shall proceed to offer some 
brief remarks upon the dangerous consequences of allow- 
ing a plurality of votes to be sufficient to elect a Presi- 
dent. 

Until a recent period of our history, the public attention 
had been directed, in the choice of a President, to a few il- 
lustrious individuals distinguished for their revolutionary 
services. 

A new era, however, has now arrived, when every man 

*Vide Washington Telegraph, April 19th, 



24 

considers, that be has equal claims to public honors. For- 
merly we bad but two candidates for the Presidency. Last; 
contest we bad four; and the period is not distant, when 
every state will have at least one candidate of her own. 

Whenever there are more than two Presidential can- 
didates, the choice will generally devolve upon the 
House of Representatives. If, therefore, the principle be 
once settled, that the House is bound to choose the candi- 
date having the highest number of votes, that state, having 
the largest free population, would always furnish the Presi- 
dent. 

If we consulted only the local pride of Pennsylvania 
upon this subject, we might not object to such an interpre- 
tation of the Constitution ; because, although this state is 
now only the second in population, we see no reason why 
she may not soon become the first. 

Our legislature, by adopting a wise system of internal 
improvement, has opened to us inexhaustible sources of 
wealth, which will necessarily be followed by a rapid in- 
crease of population. 

The permanence of our Union, however, we consider 
paramount to all other considerations; and that Union 
cannot long be maintained, unless its benefits and its ho- 
nors, are as equally distributed as its burthens. 

The doctrine that the plurality of votes ought at all 
times to govern the House of Representatives in the choice 
of a President, would eventually exclude from the highest 
honors of the Republic, all states not of tbe first order in 
population ; and we therefore think that these states should 
pander well, before (to gain a temporary advantage) they 
consent to engraft so dangerous a principle upon the Con 
stitution. 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. XVI. 

The firmness and moderation which have distinguished 
the conduct of our present Chief Magistrate, in relation 
to the Georgia controversy, have given him new claims to 
public gratitude. The style and language of the Execu- 
tive of Georgia, were no doubt evidently intended to irri- 
tate the President, in the hope, that he might, in an un- 
guarded moment, have said or done something which 
might have compromised the dignity of his station. 

Forty years experience, however, in public life, has 



25 

given him some knowledge of mankind ; and he rises top 
early, to hecome the dupe of vanity and presumption. 

Since the close of our revolutionary war, Georgia has 
•*been repeatedly engaged in some controversy with the ge- 
neral government, respecting the lands occupied by the In- 
dians, within what she was pleased to call her limits. 

During Mr. Monroe's administration, the Georgia dele- 
gation in Congress, were loud in their remonstrances 
against what they called injustice. 

Mr. Calhoun, after having been seven years Secretary 
of War, made a report upon this subject, to the President, 
on the 29th March, 1824, from which we make the follow- 
ing extract : — 

"With the Cherokees, there have been held two Trea- 
ties, both since the late war, by which Georgia has acquir- 
ed 995,310 acres, which added to that acquired by the 
treaties with the Creek nation, make 15.744,000 acres, 
that have been ceded to Georgia, since the date of the 
Convention, in fulfilment of its stipulations."*** 

After stating that the United States had paid to Geor- 
gia, upwards of seven millions of dollars, on account of 
the territory claimed by her, Mr. Calhoun proceeds to ob- 
serve: — "The United States have ever been solicitous to 
fulfil, at the earliest period, the obligations of the Conven- 
tion, by the extinguishment of the Indian titles within the 
limits of Georgia — a most satisfactory proof of which, 
may be found in the number of treaties which have 
been held for that purpose ; the quantity of lands which 
have been acquired, and the price paid. — In fact, such has 
been the solicitude of the government, that but little re- 
gard has been had to the price, whenever it has been found 
possible to obtain a cession of lands to that state. The 
price give?i 9 has far exceeded that which has ever been given 
in other purchases from the Indians." 

Here then we have the testimony of the Vice President 
of the United States, that Georgia, so far from having any 
just cause of complaint against the general government, 
has been treated with a liberality and generosity, which 
no other state has experienced. 

To ascertain the true merits of the pretensions of Geor- 
gia, it is necessary to go back to the cJose of our revolu- 
tionary war, and examine what just title she had to the 
immense territory claimed by her. 

The vague manner in which most of the first Patents, 
granted by the British monarchs, was expressed, created 

D 



26 

great difficulty in ascertaining the proper boundaries of 
the states. 

For instance, the first Colonial Charter, granted by * 
Queen Elizabeth, to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, authorisiC|^> 
him "To take possession of such remote, heathen and bar- 
*' barous lands, as were not actually possessed by any 
""Christian Prince or People." 

The Patent to Sir Walter Raleigh, was to the same effect 

By the Charter of Massachusetts, its western boundary 
was the SOUTH S. A. 

The boundaries of many other states, were equally unde- 
fined ; but during the revolutionary war, it was well un- 
derstood, that all that part of the country inhabited by sa- 
vages, and not within the acknowledged jurisdiction of 
anv state, was to be considered as national property. 

A writer in the Delaware Journal, who wields a master- 
ly pen, justly observes, "That these waste and unsettled 
tracts of country, which lay within ideal limits, and be* 
yond the ordinary jurisdiction and control of the states, 
were in truth and justice, after the revolution, the common 
property of the Union; having been acquired, conquered 
and rescued from the dominion of Great Britain, by the 
common toil, blood and treasure of the Union." 

Virginia, to her credit be it spoken, viewed the subject 
in this light, and ceded to the Union the whole of the North 
Western Territory, for which she had a title by conquest, 
as well as a British monarch's grant, ftew York, Massa- 
chusetts, and all other states owning such lands, except 
Georgia, pursued the same course. She is the only state, 
who has received a dollar from the public Treasury, for 
vacant lands, and the only state who has threatened to 
make war with ihe Union. We think that every dispassion- 
ate person who will calmly investigate the respective 
rights of the United States, and the rights of a state, to 
that undefined territory, inhabited by savages, will come 
to this conclusion — That by the treaty of peace of 1783«, 
all that description of Territory became the common pro- 
perty of these states, conquered by the united wisdom of 
their councils, and the united valor of their arms. 

V e shall conclude these remarks in the language of the 
able writer in the J)elaware Journal, to whom we before 
referred: 

"We are reviving in the nineteenth century, the days of 
^Pizarro and Cortez ; for truly it would seem, that Aine- 
" rican avarice of Indian lands does not yield an inch to 
'• Spanish avarice of Indian gold" 

SIMON SNYDER 



27 



No. XVII. 

Considering General Jackson, as possessing that lofty 
sense of honor which is the distinguished characteristic of 
a soldier, we take it for granted, that in the contest for the 
Presidency, he wishes nothing more than a fair and hono- 
rable competition. 

When we see the daily slanders propogated against our 
present Chief Magistrate, by those who call themselves the 
friends of General Jackson, we cannot but notice the strik- 
ing contrast, between the opinions and conduct of the Gene- 
ral himself, and that of those who advocate him. 

In his celebrated correspondence with President Monroe, 
in 1817, upon the subject of the new cabinet, Gen. Jackson 
thus expresses himself of Mr. Adams: — 

" I have no hesitation in saying, you have made the best 
selection to fill the department of State, that could be made, 

" Mr. Adams, in the hour of difficulty will be an able 
helpmate; and I am convinced that hi? appointment will 
afford universal satisfaction." 

Such was the candid and hones* opinion which General 
Jackson entertained of Mr. Adams in 1817, and his con- 
duct at Washington, the winter of the Presidential Election, 
was in perfect accordance with it. 

The evening of the day on which tin* House of Repre- 
sentatives chose the President, General Jackson met Mr. 
Adams at President Monroe's. 

He immediately came up, and taking him by the hand, 
congratulated him upon his election. 

Agtin — General Jackson was present when Mr. Adams 
was installed into the Presidential Chair; and after he had 
delivered his inaugural speech, the General congratulated 
him anew. 

It may not be improper here to observe, that General 
Jackson was at Washington the whole of the winter of the 
election, and knew every circumstance connected with it. 

Mow, if there had been any foundation for the charges 
of bribary and corruption, so freely circulated, how could 
Gen. Jackson have given any countenance to an individual 
elevated by such means, to the highest honors of the Re- 
public ? 

No — General Jackson was well aware, that there was 
not the shadow of a foundation for these charges — that the 
election was conducted in strict conformity, with both the 
letter and the spirit of the Constitution 



28 



He therefore evinced a becoming respect towards a suc- 
cessful rival, by thus publicly rebuking slander. 

SIMON SNYDER. 



No. XVIII. 

It is a matter of no small surprise that men, who justly 
appreciate the blessings of a free government, should be 
indifferent, to whom the administration of it is confided. 

We have received from our forefathers a precious heri- 
tage, which we are bound by every moral obligation, to 
transmit unimpaired to posterity. 

We are induced to make these observations from reflect- 
ing upon the indifference, shown at the last Presidential 
Election, by the great majority of our fellow citizens of 
this state. 

The office-hunters, it is true, made a loud clamour ; but 
we allude to the great body of the independent yeomanry 
of the state : — the back-bone of the Commonwealth. 

It is a fact which cannot be controverted, that at the last 
Presidential Election, there were at least one hundred and 
sixty thousand persons in this state, entitled to the right of 
suffrage ; and yet the whole number of votes given for the 
four Presidential candidates together, amounted to but forty 
seven thousand two hundred. 

'i'his we consider a culpable negligence. 

The right of choosing our Rulers, is a precious right. 

A right purchased by the blood and treasure of the nation. 

We therefore owe it, not less as a tribute of respect to 
the memory of our fathers, than a solemn duty to ourselves 
and to posterity, to examine into the respective merits of 
candidates for high public trusts, and to record our testimo- 
ny thereof, at the ballot boxes. 

To this highly favoured nation is confided the great expe- 
riment, whether or not, man is capable of self-government. 
If this great experiment fail, the world is destined to expe- 
rience another long night of barbarism. 

Let us therefore not suffer history to tell posterity, that an 
enlightened people, betrayed the sacred cause of freedom ; 
und let us ever bear in mind, that our venerated constitu- 
tion is a civil compact, which recognizes no authority above 
the sovereignty of the laws* 

SIMON SNYDER. 



Cy 



No. XIX. 

The policy and conduct of those who now administer the 
affairs of the general government, differ so widely from 
the views and proceedings of the opposition in Congress, 
upon many great national questions, that we shall present 
you with a portrait of both, that you may judge which of 
these two great parties, actually represent your interests 
and feelings. 

The present administration consider that the true inter- 
ests of the country are best promoted ; — 

1. By improving the internal condition of the country, 
so that its produce may be brought to market both expedi- 
tiously, and upon reasonable terms. . 

2. By encouraging foreign commerce, so that we may 
find a market for our surplus produce abroad. 

S. By protecting the domestic industry of the country, 
by means of a judicious tariff. 

4. By increasing and improving the condition of our 
navy, as our safest and most efficient arm of national de- 
fence. 

5. By encouraging the colonization of our free black po- 
pulation upon the coast of Africa. 

6. By aiding with our friendly counsel, our republican 
brethren in South America, in their great struggle for the 
divine right of self-government. 

These, fellow citizens, are all measures which the pre- 
sent administration of the general government have zeal- 
ously advocated. What has been the conduct of the oppo- 
sition, upon these subjects, you are doubtless aware. The 
records of Congress will show : — 

1. That they deny the constitutional power of Congress 
to make roads and canals ; so that each state, (according to 
their construction,) must make its own improvements, in- 
stead of its being paid out of the national treasury. 

2. They defeated the passage of the West India Bill, in- 
troduced into Congress, by the friends of the administra- 
tion, which might have still left the door open to ncijocia- 
tion with Great Britain, relative to the trade of her colonics. 

3. They deny the constitutional right of Congress, to lay 
any duty to protect domestic manufactures. 

4. They struck out of the Navy Bill, the section provid- 
ing for a Naval Academy, when every man at all acquaint- 
ed with the science of the human mind knows the iOiJK 
tance of early instruction. 



30 

5. They refused to grant any appropriation, to aid the 
€i Colonization Society" in their benevolent efforts to re- 
move to Africa, such parts of our free black population, as 
might choose to return to the land of their forefathers. 

6. They denied the right of the President to accept of 
the invitation of our South American brethren to attend 
the Congress of Panama, who stood so much in need of 
our counsel upon the great principles of self-government. 

Here, fellow citizens, you are presented with a brief sum- 
mary of the views and policy of those who new wield, and 
of those who desire to direct the destinies of this great 
nation. Can you for a moment hesitate to decide, who is 
most worthy of our confidence ? 

It is now upwards of forty years since our present Chief 

Magistrate first entered the public service, in the capacity 

of private secretary to our minister to Russia. Since that 

period, he has UMseeRhrough all the various grades of civil 

ffice, to the highest known to the constitution. 

Fellow citizens, our government is a government of laws, 
which does not derive its support so much from the physical 
force, as from the moral power of the nation. 

In selecting a chief ruler, we ought to bear in mind, that 
morality is one of the main pillars of human happiness. 
By confirming anew our confidence in our present Chief 
Magistrate, we shall give another proof of our devotion to 
the cause of virtue. 

In wielding the political power of the government, he 
will continue to reflect the moral image of the nation. 

SIMON SNYDER. 



tm% 



No. XX. 

With this number we close our remarks upon the impor* 
tant subject, to which we have ventured to call your atten- 
ton. 

We say important, because we consider that no question 
has been agitated since the adoption of our present Consti- 
tution, of so much interest to the American people. 

This importance does not attach to the simple question, 
whether Mr. Adams or General Jackson, is best qualified 
for the Presidency. 

The question for the consideration of the American peo- 
ple is — Can the high prize of the Chief Magistracy of this 
Republic, be conquered upon afield of battled 



31 

If so, we may soon bid adieu to that venerable Constitu- 
tion, which we have been educated to consider as the fairest 
fabric of human wisdom. 

Yes, fellow citizens, if we suffer ourselves to be led cap- 
tive by Military gl*ry 9 this Republic must inevitably share 
the same fate of all that preceded it. 

In making this observation, we mean no disrespect to 
General Jackson, whose important public services entitle 
him to public gratitude. B it we apprehend great danger 
from the alarming precedent which it would establish, of 
rewarding military services with the highest civil honors. 

** One precedent justifies another. What is custom to- 
day, will be law to-morrow." 

" History, fellow citizens, is philosophy, teaching man 
wisdom by example." Let us not shut our eyes upon her 
faithful pages 

Whilst refering to military services, it may not be im- 
proper to observe, that those who devote a long life to the 
civil service of their country, have also some claims to 
public gratitude. 

That wisdom in council, which foresees and averts dan- 
ger is often of equal value, with that military skill which 
conquers victory upon the field. 

We should doubt very much, if any military achievement, 
since the surrender of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown, has 
been of so much importance to this country, as the pur- 
chase of Louisiana. Spain ceded that immense territory to 
France. Napoleon had appointed Marshall Bernadotte, 
the present King of Sweden, (one of the first warriors of 
the age) its military Governor. 

Commanding the mouth of the Mississippi, France 
would have endeavoured to dismember our Union. Mr. 
Jefferson foreseeing that danger, averted it, by adopting 
the wise measure of purchasing Louisiana. 

But mark the difference between civil and military ser- 
vices. General Jackson, for defending the Capital of this 
same Louisiana, is considered entitled to the Presidency, 
whereas Mr. Jefferson, who annexed that vast territory to 
•ur Union, without shedding one drop of human blood, 
found it difficult to obtain the privilege of a Lottery, to 
enable him to sell his estate, in order to keep the Sheriff 
out of his house. 

Fellow citizens, the office of President of the United 
States, is a civil office. Nothing short of the highest civil 
qualifications, can enable any man to discharge its impor- 
tant duties, either with credit to himself, or advantage to 
the Nation- 



*\9 

0«S 



Our Constitution is a. civil compact. The civil authority 
must govern — must be supreme, or that Constitution must 
perish. 

In concluding these remarks', the writer of them begs 
leave to observe, that he has no other interest in the great 
question at issue, than what is common to every other citi- 
zen of this highly favored land, which is the land of his 
nativity, as well as that of his forefathers. 

The writer never had any thing to do with public life, 
nor does he wish it. 

From early youth he has been engaged in commercial 
pursuits, which have frequently called him to Europe, 
wliere he has seen enough of the Empire of the Bayonet, 
to make him wish to live and die under the Empire of the 
Laws. 

SIMON SNYDER, 



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